良好的名誉是人们在任何时代任何社会安身立命之本

郭国汀

良好的名誉乃人们在任何时代任何社会安身立命之本。一个人若失去了财富，当然是巨大的损失；若失去了爱情，更是重大的损失；如果失去了自信，自然也是严重的损失；然而，要是一个人丧失了良好的名誉，那么他就失去了一切！无论是从政还是经商或是做学问搞研究莫不如此；是故，古今中外人们为维护自已的正当良好名誉不惜抛头洒血者大有人在，南郭当然不能例外，吾历来像维护生命和自由一样维护已之名誉权。

自2003年1月吾立志改行做人权律师以来，特别是自成为郑恩宠的辩护律师以来，先后有不下一个加强排的共特、网警和党用文人匿名对郭律师进行了疯狂的诋毁诽谤。但南郭始终对匿名诽谤者一概不予理采！因为它们不敢公示真姓实姓足以证明其系胡说八道,当然不值耗精费时反驳,因为网警、网评员的主要任务即整天泡在网上专干诋毁志士仁人的名誉的勾当，旨在纠缠不休空耗人们的宝贵时间和精力；因此，若与匿名诽谤者论辩不休正是上了中共流氓的大当。

令人遗憾的是，近年来出现了某些来自民间反对派的诋毁郭律师声誉者。张思之大律师一句不负责任的玩笑郭国汀“不战而逃”，导致某些人士趁机竟相指责郭律师是逃兵！如果郭律师是所谓[逃兵]我不知道还有谁配称战士？！（详见“再论政治案低调消音妥协辩护论的严重危害性”及“郭国汀律师系统批判中共极权专制暴政论文目录”）李建强（刘路）由于我公开批评他若干原则性错误至为明显的论点，竟假［康平］匿名对郭律师疯狂诽谤，致使吾之老友草根也信以为真（见“ 敦促刘路公开辩污的最后通牒”）；张耀杰恶意再三诽谤郭国汀律师，造成了极为恶劣的影响（见“痛斥張耀傑----予汝真诚道欠的最后通谍！”）；刘荻恶毒诽谤郭律师写过［悔罪书］是[精神病]和刘逸民诋毁郭律师写了[悔过书]并向中共[乞求]出国，均严重地损害了郭律师的良好声誉（见“刘荻的灵魂竟是如此[美丽] ！”和“ 郭国汀律师的[悔罪][悔过]与[乞求]”）；还有鲁凡，草虾，[中华正国皇帝]胡德斌之流出于种种不同动机也恶意诋毁郭律师，造成郭律师的名誉受到损害。鉴此，南郭以为有必要将各界公众对郭律师的客观评价公之于众以正视听（见“各界人士高度评价郭国汀律师”）。鉴于张耀杰恶意再三诽谤郭律师，且在予之公开道歉的期限内不但拒不道歉，反而继续恶意诋毁郭大律师，南郭将适时正式提起名誉侵权损害赔偿之诉，起诉这个不懂装懂且人格低下的假、伪[学者]（至少在批评郭律师问题上，张耀杰是货真价实的假冒伪劣［学者］）！

南郭竭诚欢迎任何人对本人的任何论点提出任何正当批评批判，只要你的批判有理有据能自圆其说，南郭承诺随时愿意纠正业已被证明为错误的任何论点，若证明由于南郭批评错误造成任何人名誉受损，南郭亦将诚恳道歉；但南郭决不允许任何人诽谤，也决不放纵任何恶意诽谤者；南郭重申保留对任何恶意诽谤郭律师且拒不认错道歉者提起名誉侵权害赔偿之诉的权利。

2008年6月22日，第121个《反极权专制暴政、争自由人权民主绝食维权抗暴日》于加拿大

训斥张耀杰

郭国汀

自2003年1月始，先后至少有不下一个加强排的共特或党用文人匿名在国际互联网对郭大律师进行疯狂的诽谤，由于无法核实他们的真实身份与地址，加之南郭从不与匿名攻击他人的[勇士]论战。故一直未曾作反驳，然而近期竟然出现了来自民主运动内部的人士以真名实姓诋毁诽谤郭大律师者多于来自中共匪帮的奇观。为捍卫吾之名誉，我不得不牺牲极宝贵的时间作必要驳斥。其中对张思之大律师对我的不负责的荒唐指责我作了必要的声明，但我得声明张老仍然是我最敬佩的中国人权律师先驱。而对那只不知羞耻为何物的雌鼠与刘逸民之[悔罪书][悔过书]与[乞求]之诽谤，吾予之回击更属必要。披露刘路以［康平］之名对郭大律师的恶意诽谤的真相也属十分必要。对张耀杰屡屡故意编造谎言诽谤郭大律师旨在毁誉的恶行，吾出于挽救之的善意，予之道歉纠错良机，岂料此小人不但不领情，而反更加疯狂地继续诋毁郭大律师。鉴此，有必要进一步披露张氏的下流做为以警效尤！兹公开发表双方论辩原文以正视听，以维声誉。张氏有种的话请继续公开论战，南郭倒想看看一个公然编造谎言诋毁与其从无任何交往的郭大律师者到底是个什么样的东西？！

2008年6月7日

1、敬请张耀杰先生公开向郭国汀大律师赔礼道歉的公开函

张耀杰先生:近好!

近期发现张先生以真名实性在国际互联网上对郭国汀大律师进行了多次诽谤性的恶意攻击,造成郭大律师名誉受到严重损害.这是南郭绝对不能容忍的.我不知道何时何地如何得罪了据称是青年俊杰的张耀杰，吾迄今并不认识张老弟与从未与汝有过任何交往，我不明白老弟出自何种[高尚]动机屡屡故意编造谎言诽谤郭大律师？！无论是由于出自你的本意或是受他人指使,你均有义务有责任立即公开向本大律师赔礼道歉.

如果张老弟勇于公开认错，并在30天内公开向郭国汀律师赔礼道歉！南郭念你有悔改诚意也就放你一马，我等待你的真诚道歉.吾历来视良好的名誉胜过生命，决不容许任何人故意诽谤诋毁，为维护吾之名誉，吾将被迫提起名誉侵权损害赔偿之诉，时间拖得越长造成的损害必然越大，因此索赔金额也越高，而你在任何法院都将必败无疑。即便中共法庭拒不受理,南郭必定先送张先生上道德法庭,让国人认清一个所谓青年俊杰的真实人品,吾必将在中国走上民主化之途后正式起诉阁下, 而且索赔金额必将倍增,必须让所有恶意诽谤他人者受到法律制裁,任何造谣诽谤损害他人名誉的小人休想逍遥法外.敬请好自为之，特此敬告，勿谓言之不预也！

顺颂安好!

郭国汀律师

2008年5月21日

2、張耀傑敬答郭國汀先生

郭國汀先生：

一位臺灣筆友出於好奇，給我轉來你的落款時間爲2008年5月21日的公開函。我寫給這位筆友的答復是："我與郭國汀從來沒有直接交往。只是多少年前關於師濤的事情提到過他的名字。我到不了境外的網站的，并且要赚钱养家，实在没有精力和时间耗费在破网方面。所以我也不知道是怎麽回事。"

至於你的自稱"郭國汀大律師"，我覺得非常之可笑。"大律師"的標準是如何量化的，又是如何評選的呢？張思之大律師之所以"大"，一方面是他置身於中國社會的最前沿，有機會代理了一些歷史性的大案件。更重要的是在歷史選擇到他的時候，他表現出了一名律師所應該具體的職業精神、職業倫理和職業水平。你郭國汀律師在代理師濤案的時候，把當事人的牢獄之災撇在一邊，一味地自我表現，顯然不是一名職業律師的正當作爲。至於你自己跑到海外所私設的道德法庭，我是不予承認其合法性的，即使承認了我也去不了。你自己該怎麽玩兒是你自己的事情，我還有許多正經事情要做，實在不能夠陪你玩。我在這裏給你說一聲對不起吧！

我聽我的朋友趙國君先生介紹過你，他說你確實很有才華和激情。但是，你現在跑到了國外，連代理國內人權案例的機會都沒有，你又如何能夠"大"得起來呢？！

我和你並不是敵人，也沒有什麽權利之爭。我真誠地勸告你還是想辦法多賺一些銀子，先照顧一下自己家人的人權爲好。假如一名律師既不能爲自己的當事人盡職責又不能爲自己的家人盡職責，無論如何是"大"不起來的。我這些年被人欺負的時候總是牢記一句古人雲："小人知進不知退。"希望你能夠成長爲該進步時候進一步、該退步時退一步的君子，而不是成長爲反其道而行之的"小人"。

張耀傑，2008年5月28日於北京家中。

3、怒斥张耀杰 ！

郭国汀

日前南郭出于善意,对于公然编造谎言故意诽谤郭大律师的张耀杰,予之改错纠正的机会.岂料此小人不但不领情,反而嘲讽南郭自封大律师，荒唐地指责郭大律师是不知进退的"小人"，再次极度无知地指责郭大律师"在代理師濤案的時候，把當事人的牢獄之災撇在一邊，一味地自我表現，顯然不是一名職業律師的正當作爲 "，并虚伪地称"我到不了境外的網站的，实在没有精力和时间耗费在破网方面"[1]。张氏不但回避关键的编造谎言诋毁郭大律师名誉的事实，反而继续厚颜无耻地嘲讽郭大律师，足证张氏实乃对中国司法审判实务极度无知却又自以为是，故意编造谎言诽谤他人却又死不认错的虚伪的真正的小人！今天先驳斥张氏的大律师说，并予之最后一次纠错道歉的机会。

何谓大律师？

中文的大律师至少有两层含义：一指出庭律师，这源于英美法系的律师分为Barrister 和Solicitor两类，前者系专门出庭诉讼的律师，不能直接与当事人交易，必须通过后者办理有关律师业务，俗称出庭大律师，简称大律师；后者是不能出席高等法院诉讼而仅可能出庭基层小额诉讼的，主要做法律文件准备工作与当事人直接交易的律师，俗称事务律师或商务律师。另一层含义是指资深且有相当知名度的律师及人们对道德人品皆佳的律师的尊称。

南郭系执业21年的出庭律师，因此完全符合第一层含义的出庭大律师之谓；南郭也是资深的且诉讼经验丰富，学识渊博有相当知名度的律师，是三所重点大学的兼职教授和研究员，是中国海事仲裁委员会和中国国际经济贸易仲裁委员会双料仲裁员，出版了9部法学专译著，发表了近500篇法学论文，案析与评论，主办过千余起各类刑、民、行政、涉外经贸、海事海商、海上与财产保险与人权案件的法律界公认的优秀律师，因此也完全符合第二层含义大律师之意。

既然如此，张氏有什么资格嘲笑南郭自称大律师？！其实，我在一般场合从来仅自称郭律师，但对类似张这种小人必称大律师！更重要的是，我自称大律师实质上是因为我极可能是中国大陆15万律师中特别是执业10年以上的律师中唯一没有为了打赢官司颠倒黑白行贿法官的律师，正是在此意义上我曾自称是个大律师[2]，不过是个穷大律师。

2008年6月4日

4、训斥张耀杰！

郭国汀

那个对中国司法审判实际几乎一无所知的张耀杰，大概以为他是所谓［学者］居然对自已纯属外行的辩护律师策略大发议论．其勇倒是勇，不过哪是建立在极度无知且不懂装懂基础上的勇．吾之政治敏感案件的辩护策略，即将案件置于阳光下的策略，毫无疑问是一党专制司法不独立没有新闻自由且传统媒体全被中共恶党独家撑控的条件下最有效也最有力利于政治良心犯切身根本长远利益的策略，也是真正的英雄们必定欢迎的辩护策略，但唯对辩护律师本人最不利因为这是风险极大的策略．至于张氏信口磁黄指控郭大律师导致师涛案辩护失败，只能证明其人是个无知且不懂装懂的家伙而已！

张耀杰其实具有强烈的"王红旗"心态,由于其来自极贫困的河南省乡村，好不容易摆脱了穿草鞋的命运，而且居然混进了北京城，因而那副得意劲使之找不着北了，但骨子里的那股强烈的自卑感挥之不去，似二奶的那种强烈的妒忌心实在按捺不住，而攻击名人最能安慰他那颗不安分而燥动的心，这大概就是他肆无忌惮地故意诋毁刘晓波，曹常青及郭大律师的深层心理根源．但他决不敢公开批判胡锦涛，更不敢触动中共专制暴政一根毫毛．真诚奉劝张老弟，老老实实做人，实实在在做事，才是正途；妄图靠恶意攻击名人来出虚名，只能是偷鸡不成矢把米！南郭之所以还予汝公开道歉的机会，那是看在你多少还有点学人模样的份上，但汝不要以为可以随心所欲地诋毁反共志士而无需负法律责任，若汝真那么想，那显然是打错了算盘！

张氏更有典型的河南南阳人的特征:骗子心态.当然南郭此处并非指河南南阳人都是骗子,也非指河南人全是骗子;但无可否认的是,河南人以"骗子"闻名于世.尽管那是部分河南人坏败了河南人的声誉.张氏似乎想将河南籍的学者声誉也全变成骗子学者才善罢甘休?!南郭撑握了张氏瞎编乱造诽谤郭大律师的铁证, 之所以还 予汝公开道歉的机会,那是看在你多少还有点正义感的份上,明白了吗?!若汝胆敢再放肆地诋毁郭大律师,南郭定让你吃不了兜着走!

郭国汀2008年6月7日

5、南郭自称郭大律师的理由请参阅：

《决不以出卖灵魂出卖人格尊严为代价打官司----答胡青松君质询》

郭国汀( 2003-2-22 )原载中国律师网 ，现载《博讯新闻网》郭国汀律师专栏

吾执业已十八载矣，回首往事值得骄傲自豪的事好像不是太多。然则吾最感骄傲和自豪之事，一不是吾已发表200余篇论文、评论、案析；二非已出版九部法学专译著；三亦不是吾已有众多诸如：仲裁员/调解员/教授/研究员/委员之类的虚名；最值得吾自豪者正是：吾从未为了打赢官司不择手段；从未为了赚取律师费而行贿法官；从未为了钱而出卖人格出卖尊严；1995年我曾在《我的坎坷律师生涯》"山重水复"一文中写道：

"执业十余年，耳闻目睹多少阴暗面。此种权钱交易之风逾演逾烈，到何时是尽头？思前想后，我休整了整整两个月。终于想清楚了，决不随波逐流，亦不改变初衷，吾将坚持做一个勤奋、负责、诚实的学者型律师，决不靠权钱交易，过去不会，现在不干，将来永远不屑，以放弃人格，出卖灵魂为代价打官司。我将运用我的学识辛勤的汗水，平凡的智慧无畏的勇气去办好每一件案子，我将以诉讼为主业，凭借社会正气，舆论的力量，运用人民的力量，去打每一场官司。吾深知所选择的是最艰难的道路。然而能为中国的法治做点有益的事，此生足愿，死而无憾。"

正因为如此吾自称是个大律师！然而是个穷大律师而已。

敬请张耀杰公开向郭国汀律师赔礼道歉的公开函

张耀杰先生:近好!

近期发现张先生以真名实性在国际互联网上对郭国汀大律师进行了多次诽谤性的恶意攻击,造成郭大律师名誉受到严重损害.这是南郭绝对不能容忍的.我不 知道何时何地如何得罪了据称是青年俊杰的张耀杰，吾迄今并不认识张老弟与从未与汝有过任何交往，我不明白老弟出自何种[高尚]动机屡屡故意编造谎言诽谤郭 大律师？！无论是由于出自你的本意或是受他人指使,你均有义务有责任立即公开向本大律师赔礼道歉.

安娜为何没有离开中国而病死监狱？赵林如何死在街头？一个远离政治的商人为什么卷入六四并为此走向刑场？请购买精彩历史小说《天安门情人》原价$15，现在$8，免费国际邮寄、美国购买送耳机 博讯需要您的支持

可以邮寄支票订购　

如果张老弟勇于公开认错，并在30天内公开向郭国汀律师赔礼道歉！南郭念你有悔改诚意也就放你一马，我等待你的真诚道歉.吾历来视良好的名誉胜过生 命，决不容许任何人故意诽谤诋毁，为维护吾之名誉，吾将被迫提起名誉侵权损害赔偿之诉，时间拖得越长造成的损害必然越大，因此索赔金额也越高，而你在任何 法院都将必败无疑。即便中共法庭拒不受理,南郭必定先送张先生上道德法庭,让国人认清一个所谓青年俊杰的真实人品,吾必将在中国走上民主化之途后正式起诉 阁下,而且索赔金额必将倍增,必须让所有恶意诽谤他人者受到法律制裁,任何造谣诽谤损害他人名誉的小人休想逍遥法外.敬请好自为之，特此敬告，勿谓言之不 预也！

顺颂安好!
郭国汀律师
2008年5月21日

达赖喇嘛代表流亡政府及全体藏民与中国政府和平谈判理所当然----
兼与王希哲兄商榷
郭国汀
王兄是对中国民主运动有过突出贡献的著名民运前辈，南郭历来十分敬重，也非常赞赏王兄之宁死不屈，决不向中共权贵或金钱低头的可贵气节。希哲兄早在 1974年11月毛泽东专权[杀人如草不闻声]的岁月，便勇于写出[关于社会主义的民主与法制]的大作，直陈已见，并因此身陷中共牢狱15年！却始终昂着 高贵的头颅，奋战在中国民主运动的第一线，此种大勇与担戴实属难能可贵。南郭毫不怀疑王兄的爱国真诚，在此，请接受南郭至诚的敬意。然而，今日阅及王兄之 [坚决反对中共政府与达赖谈判]一文，吾以为王兄之观点见解多有值得探讨商榷余地，且事关某些重大原则，鉴此，请恕南郭斗胆直言，若有得罪还敬请王兄海 涵。兹按王兄之文顺序逐条阐述吾之孔见。竭诚欢迎继续商讨争辩。

安娜为何没有离开中国而病死监狱？赵林如何死在街头？一个远离政治的商人为什么卷入六四并为此走向刑场？请购买精彩历史小说《天安门情人》原价$15，现在$8，免费国际邮寄、美国购买送耳机 博讯需要您的支持

可以邮寄支票订购　 1 达赖喇嘛的身份是西藏民族精神领袖,也是经定期民主选举产生的流亡政府首脑，因此他当然代表达兰萨拉流亡政府.也代表海内外广大要求人权自由民主和真实的自治权的藏民。至于中共政权是否承认并不影响流亡政府的客观存在.
2 达赖喇嘛是否能代表藏民族应当由全体藏民说了算，而非由任何其他人定夺.海外藏民对达赖喇嘛的真心拥戴有目共睹，似无需进一步论证。而国内藏民对达赖喇嘛 的敬爱，从一件小事可见一斑。据称2006年10月间达赖喇嘛在一个法会上言及今后佛事不宜再使用皮毛,结果全西藏一夜之间,藏民自动烧毁了价值数百万美 元的皮毛, 尽管中共当局亦曾动员藏民多年却几无藏民响应，从一侧面证实了达赖喇嘛在藏民心中的崇高地位，其巨大影响力与号召力足以证明他有资格与能力代表藏民族.因 此，海内外藏民是否承认达赖喇嘛的代表身份，应当属于不证自明的常识。
3 王兄此言差矣，逻辑不周延姑且不论。吾得声明，南郭并非[逢共必反]，然而狗嘴里吐不出象牙。即便中共真做了什么好事，那也是其作为执政者份内理所应当之 职责，其无权要求南郭因此为之称颂，且中共历来将其所谓好事放大数十倍狂吹，数百万无耻无行党用文人早已为之肉麻当有趣歌功颂德。反之，若中共当权集团干 了坏事，则往往数十倍缩水掩盖，因此其根本无权禁止南郭对其彻底揭露批判，因为这是每个纳税人的基本权利！
我不明白希哲兄是凭什么认定[藏独暴力集团国内外策划操纵暴力事件]? 是否存在所谓[藏独暴力集团]？汝有何证据证明之？当然不能排除存在个别藏独成员以暴抗暴的行动,狗被追急了还跳墙呢,何况长期被欺凌的人乎。被迫[抗 暴]与[策划操纵暴力事件]两者性质相差十万八千里,岂能混为一谈?!事实上藏青会负责人日前公开声明:他们始终坚持，将来仍然坚持以和平方式争取西藏独 立.
达兰萨拉西藏流亡政府自1962年始即由全体难民定期一人一票选举产生,是个货真价实的民主政府.较之中共专制暴政，该流亡政府之合法性不容置疑。 达赖喇嘛因其宗教精神领袖的身份与地位，更重要的是因其德高望重的人格魅力赢得了绝大多数藏民的衷心拥戴与敬爱.但并不意味着100%藏民皆支持他的和 平、仁慈和爱的方式争取真实的民族自治权利之主张.藏青会成员主体是流亡人士的第二第三代青年，大多受过西方民主政治的高等教育，享受过自由民主的果实， 当然知道国际法明定的民族自决权，因而皆无法忍受中共专制暴政的奴役而主张独立.
达赖喇嘛则依其坎坷的人生阅历和丰富的国际政治经验，认为西藏独立不现实.达赖喇嘛实际上自1987年始即已改变了他的政治主张,改西藏独立之要求 为实质的民族自治,并提出将藏区改为[永久]非军事和平区，中共军队撤出藏区，使藏区成为中印等大国紧张关系的缓冲地带，以减轻两国边防巨额军费开支，同 时要求[比例]限制汉人移民数量，以免藏民在藏区变成少数民族。此外确保西藏独特的佛教文化不被毁灭性破坏，使得藏民族的文化，传统，宗教事业得以发扬光 大，生态环境得以保护以造福藏民族的子孙后代，也造福人类。
南郭以为达赖喇嘛的各项主张合情合理，至少皆是可以谈判、协商、妥协的条件。这体现了他的政治智慧也是面对现实的正确选择.他无法代表更不能操控所 有的海外藏民势力，尽管大多数藏民确实拥戴他. 只要多数人支持他,他当然有权代表海内外藏民.王兄之[影响操控]说似难成立。因为巨大的影响力并不当然等于操控，况且达赖喇嘛并无任何军警特暴力工具维 系其政治影响力，而实际操控往往需要实际利益或暴力支撑。正如尽管中共迄今撑控军警特全部国家暴力机器，仍然不能迫使南郭及王兄赞同中共专制暴政一样，达 赖喇嘛不能强迫藏青会主张藏独的人士接受他的自治主张，或强行制止他们以强硬立场抗暴的行动，此乃民主政治的真谛。
至于希哲兄假定达赖喇嘛说[假话, 演双簧,是骗子,是阴谋家，是暴力主义者]，未免太离谱，且没有任何根据，更与达赖喇嘛一以贯之的仁慈宽恕和爱的思想相悖。 诺贝尔和平奖是世界级别最高的国际大奖,经层层推荐激烈竞选,非货真价实根本不可能获此殊荣，和平奖获得者全球屈指可数.难道全世界精英皆是蠢货,就中共 流氓或阁下火眼金睛?!其次,达赖喇嘛早已成为全世界各国政要,学者,宗教领袖的座上宾,更是万众敬仰的宗教精神领袖,其周游列国所到之处皆受到所在国最 高级别的接待，他每次演讲皆万众倾听，藏传佛教是当代西方发展最快的一种东方宗教，这不但是达赖喇嘛的骄傲也应当是中国人的骄傲，当今之世中国人享誉全球 的学说思想主张唯有达赖喇嘛的藏传佛教与李洪志先生的法轮功。因此达赖喇嘛实质上是受到全世界众多精英敬重，更是万众敬仰的当代活佛.而他本人接人待物则 始终谦虚谨慎彬彬有礼.说实话,他极可能是当今全球最有影响力也最受世人敬重的一位大德高僧.
希哲兄居然将长期受党文化毒害至骨髓，在海内外上演丢人现眼的闹剧奉为: [反藏独保奥运爱国民主运动]？!民族自决权是国际公法确认的普世价值，更是一项基本法律原则，因此，藏民族有权主张独立.当然有权主张独立并不必然等于 现实.外族统治者蛮不讲理的欺凌压迫,在政治,经济,社会,宗教，教育,文化等方面的歧视,特别是一味以暴力镇压对待其他民族人民对统治政策的不满抗议诉 求,才是分裂祖国的真正根源. 例如，加拿大魁北克省法国裔并无任何民族欺凌他们，但其要求独立的运动曾轰轰烈烈，并无人指责他们犯有分裂国家罪。如今加联邦中央政府实行英法双语同等效 力制，且欲在中央政府任职者以精通双语者为要件，法国裔加拿大人赢得了平等，也维护了尊严，闹独立的呼声自然消息匿迹。因此,若中共当局继续蛮横无理坚持 其愚蠢残暴的暴力镇压政策,中共必将成为分裂祖国的真正千古罪犯!
说中共当权集团无知愚蠢是因为当权的胡、温技术官僚们几无社会人文常识,更没有绅士之风度，在西藏问题上的政治智慧甚至还不如20岁的小姑娘王千 源！ [奥运]若是在民主化以后的中国举行自应是全体国人的幸事,而在中共一党专制暴政条件下的[奥运],最大的受益者乃一小撮当权犯罪利益集团,特别是撑管基 建项目的中共官员们，最大的受害者则是中国弱势群体,尤其是被强迁的北京平民和数十万计的上访民众及数千万失业工人失地农民；国人仅是得到了些许虚荣心的 满足.
当然近三万名各国记者云集北京，新闻自由的短暂实现，客观上的确有利于国人。但由于党禁报禁不开，国人没有任何有效的组织纯属一盘散沙，而中共则早 已将其组织触角伸入到中国社会每个角落，因此如此[奥运]亦可能延长中共专制暴政的狗命，从而使得全体国人的苦难被迫延长数年。中共实际上是举全国之财力 不惜血本旨在为自己风雨飘摇朝不保汐的非法政权捞取合法性资本.仅为临时净化北京空气一项即耗资人民币1200亿元，超过预测可获赢利总额．因此举办奥运 会注定是亏血本的打肿脸充胖子之举。而所有亏损肯定由全体国人承担，贪官污吏决不会承担分毫，反之他们肯定从中大捞特捞！海内外大量被中共愚弄的无知愚民 愤青的表演，决非所谓[爱国民主运动]!尽管其中确有不少真心爱国者.然而一个明显的事实乃是:这些[英勇的爱国者们]对于国内广大弱势体群，对于在中共 58年专制暴政下的八千万冤魂，对于数千万失业工人、失地农民及被强迁房屋的受害者和数十上百万冤假错案的受害者的沉重苦难，对极度不公不义的专制独载政 治体制，对毫无公平公正正义可言的黑暗司法体制，对接二连三的矿难及黑奴工的悲惨命运，对于已被重度污染的山河湖海，对于法轮功及家庭教会受到疯狂镇压， 其学员成员成千上万受酷刑至死，对于以胡适根、杨天水、张林、许万平、清水君、郑贻春、师涛、任自元、张建红、吕耿松、陈庆树、严正学为代表的广大民运战 士的英勇牺牲奉献，对人权律师与人权斗士特别是郑恩宠、高智晟、郭飞雄、陈光诚、李和平、杨春林、胡佳受到的酷刑与政治迫害，尤其是对祸国殃民的中共专制 暴政的愚行蠢举从来保持高度沉默，不闻不问，麻木不仁！而对自己在其中享受充分自由的[资本主义]国度却勇敢地发威。我不知道此种[爱国民主运动]有何 用？！
4达赖喇嘛不仅是当之无愧的宗教精神领袖，而且还是个有大智慧的政治家，有杰出才能的外交家，有渊博学识的学者。他是定期民主选举产生的西藏流亡政 府首脑。而希哲兄竟然认为达赖喇嘛只能代表藏传佛教派，这也未免太小瞧他人了吧？凭什么他仅能涉及宗教自由而不能过问藏族自治权、藏族文化传统、藏区自然 生态环境保护？
5 吾基本赞同希哲兄的这一主张：达赖喇嘛完全有权代表藏民族谈判并提出各项条件要求真实的而虚假的民族自治权。但是，不是[过去]，也非仅代表流亡海外藏 民，而是[现在]更是代表全体海内外藏民。因为至少在他西去之前，藏民中没有任何人有他此种国际声誉和万众敬仰的威望。尤其值得一提的是，达赖喇嘛的声誉 既非靠枪杆子支撑，也非依赖垄断媒体瞎吹乱捧而来，而完全依赖其人格智慧学识与信仰的魅力而来。正是在此意义上，我曾指出胡、温欲与达赖喇嘛争辉，犹如烛 光与阳光争辉！因为，胡温辈之影响力或声望，并非由于他们杰出的德才智，而是源于暴力加谎言的独裁专制政体无赖般地霸道，其名声主要是靠垄断媒体狂轰烂炸 式的瞎吹乱捧，而民间德才智远胜于胡温者大有人在！达赖喇嘛赢得的是人们发自内心的真正的敬和爱，而胡、温获得的绝大多数人的尊敬是以争当同流合污的奴才 为前提，是在欺骗宣传不明胡温真相基础上的尊敬，充其量仅是期望获得一杯羹的虚情假意的尊敬。事实上，胡、温是当今中国如假包换的头号贪官污吏！从胡海 峰，温云松超级暴发户般的发迹，那怕依照中共国法律也足以推定胡温间接故意受贿。而其受贿数额一千个胡温也给枪毙了还不足以抵赏万一！正是在此意义上，我 曾指出：陈良宇较之胡温实际上是个较有能力且清廉得多的[清官]。陈若任大上海共党书记数十年仅受贿250万元那绝对是个[清官]。

6 中共官方与达赖喇嘛的私人代表谈判对话，理所当然等于与达赖喇嘛谈判。代表谈判的一切法律后果由被代表人承受乃是常识。达赖喇嘛是西藏流亡政府的法定代表 人，他也是当今能代表藏民族与中共谈判的最佳人选，中共之所以将谈判限定于“同达赖喇嘛的私人代表接触磋商”并非什么智慧而是愚不可及的小聪明。诸如温家 宝之"达赖个人前途问题"协商对话说,证明温先生要么对人类的宗教精神心灵信仰生活相当无知，矣或想玩小聪明最终误大事？！
事实上达赖喇嘛代表藏民中政治温和派，通过谈判对话，是一劳永逸和平解决西藏问题的唯一正途。中共妄图以拖延战术试图拖至达赖喇嘛西去，藏民不再有 威望崇高的精神领袖之后，再强迫藏民接受中共统治的一箱情愿的愚想，是所有可能的解决方案中貌似聪明实则最愚蠢不过祸国殃民的损招。
思想大哲约翰洛克曾指出：解决国与国（民族与民族）之间的争端唯有两途：法律（契约）与战争。若法律（契约）无法解决，战争不可避免。当主张自治而 不主张独立的达赖喇嘛西去后，主张独立的藏青会很可能在藏民各派势力中占上风。届时若再遇上如胡、温辈那样蛮不讲理自以为聪明实则无知愚蠢的当权者，那么 汉藏民族间的仇恨将被激发，进而两民族间大规模的流血牺牲很可能不可避免，最终分裂极可能被逼成事实。
唯有相互尊重，相互爱戴，真正平等互利互惠，消除一切领域的歧视，才有可能真正实现隐定永恒的民族和解团结友爱。唯有当成为中国人真正值得骄傲自豪 之时，才会有全体国人的大团结；而在专制暴政下的国人，不可能以成为中国人为豪，而一个自由、民主、人权、法治和宪政的联邦新中国必将令全体华人骄傲自 豪！其实，只要胡氏主动让贤，让国人公投，达赖喇嘛参选中国总统可以轻易地击败胡氏，不信试试看。当然是在公众充分了解了胡氏与达赖喇嘛的真相之后公投。 若真如此，中国所有的民族问题皆必将销声匿迹，因为56个少数民族业已真正人人平等都是中国人，正如在美国的各族人民都是美国人，加拿大的各族人民都是加 拿大人一样。
7 完全同意中共当局实乃[昏聩]之论，然而其昏头昏脑的不是[决不能与达赖谈判的底线]。真正清醒智慧的政治家，应当真诚善待达赖喇嘛并与之共同努力通过协 商对话谈判达成互惠互利的共识，以便一劳永逸和解西藏问题。[海内外反藏独保奥运]之运动，实质乃中共暗中煽动起来的现代义和团运动，决非所谓爱国民主运 动。因为只要达赖喇嘛活着，藏独决无可能在藏民中占上风。南郭完全赞成所有重大问题特别是敏感政治问题均必须民主化，透明化，公开化。因为唯有经过在思想 市场上国人尽可能广泛参与公开讨论争辩，才能最终发现真理。中国属于全体国人而决不属于中共一党。中共实质上是对中华民族犯下了罄竹难书、罪不容赦的滔天 罪孽的犯罪利益集团。反共决不等于反华，反共无尚光荣，中国人若反华那是脑袋不清楚的表现。热爱祖国是每个有正常思维的人天经地义的事。吾爱吾国吾民，但 坚决鄙视流氓中共且坚决反对祸国殃民的中共专制暴政！
中国民主运动的主体是全体爱好自由、平等、博爱不愿做奴隶的中国人，而非贪官污吏奸商无耻文人等既得利益集团之子女或被洗脑洗得没有了独立思考能力 的愚民奴隶。以美国为代表的西方各自由民主宪政国家虽然并非世外桃源，也非十全十美，并非所谓帝国主义国家，而是人类社会自由民主人权法治宪政的灯塔与楷 模。自由民主宪政体制是人类社会最先进合理的社会政治体制，虽然仍有缺陷却是正在不断修正改善进步的弊端最少的社会政治经济体制。
最后，吾得声明，南郭不支持西藏独立，尽管作为法律原则藏民有权要求民族独立。南郭坚决支持达赖喇嘛提出的实现真正的民族自治的主张，包括建立藏区 永久和平非军事区，确保西藏文化，维护藏区生态平衡，汉族移民应当按比例合理限制的各项主张。因为这是合情合理合法的，也是真正能确保汉藏民族团结友爱互 助互惠的长远根本利益的正确主张。
2008年4月25日 于温哥华岛
附：王希哲：[坚决反对中共政府与达赖谈判]《博讯》，2008年4月25日
1、达赖的身份是什么？他代表谁？他代表达兰萨拉“政府”么？中共政府承认达兰 萨拉“政府”么？
2、他代表藏民族么？藏民族承认他的代表么？
3、他代表流亡海外的藏人么？过去，中国政府承认这一点，达赖也确实代表着海外藏人，中国政府才有与达赖谈判的必要。自从藏独暴力集团国内外策划操 纵暴力事件始， 达赖已一再声明撇清，说是海外藏人已经不听他的了，一切国内外暴力事件及围绕奥运 火炬的大规模藏人政治抗拒事件，都与他无关，都在他的影响之外。如果我们相信他的 话，也就是说，现在他连海外藏人都不代表了，中共政府还与他“谈判”什么？有什么 “判”可以谈？哪怕谈出了结果又有什么贯彻的效力？如果达赖说得是假话，他事实还 足以影响操控海外藏人，那些国内外的暴力事件就是经他首肯的，他到处作出的无奈可 怜像不过是黑脸红脸的双簧，是演戏，他就坐实了是骗子，是“liar”，是阴谋家，是 暴力主义者，对他就只有揭露的必要更没有与之谈判的必要。特别是在他的暴力行为正 在遭到反藏独保奥运爱国民主运动抵制和跟踪打击的现在。
4、达赖目前代表的，只能是他那个藏传佛教教派。他能够谈判的内容是西藏宗教自由 和安排的问题。因此，他完全有资格，也必要与中国国家宗教事务局代表谈判。
5、过去，在达赖还能代表流亡海外藏人，又承认中国对西藏主权的时候，中国政府与 达赖的谈判就应该公开，无论他的要价多大，哪怕把北京也要去藏区“自治”，也应该 公开谈判。怕什么？因要价高拒绝谈判，就违背了“一个中国下什么都可以谈”的承诺， 理亏就在你中共政府。特别是，一再拒绝达赖回国访问，参拜佛地的要求，就更不应该。 达赖是中国人，有绝对回到祖国参观访问或定居的权利，任何拒绝的理由都是错误的。
6、注意到，中共政府官方的正式信息是北京政府“有关部门准备近日同达赖喇嘛的私 人代表接触”，不是被歪曲风传的与达赖“谈判”。这就对了。“同达赖喇嘛的私人代 表接触磋商”： 是“私人代表”，不是达兰撒拉“政府”代表； 不是藏民族代表； 也不是流亡海外藏人代表。“有关部门”是什么部门？应该是国家宗教事务部门； “接触磋商”什么？建议，磋商欢迎达赖回国访问，磋商欢迎达赖出席奥运会开幕式， 如此等等。坚决反对所谓“谈判”。
7、中共政府不能再昏聩下去了，必须把握住目前决不能与达赖“谈判”的底线。海内 外轰轰烈烈的反藏独保奥运爱国民主运动，不是为你们救驾的，而是捍卫国家主权利益， 也要求你们改革的。西藏问题，从今以后必须对全中国人民民主化，透明化；一切国家 大计，特别事涉国家主权，必须对全中国人民民主化，透明化。你们必须记住，国家不 是你们一党的，它是海内外全中国人民的！利用藏独保奥运爱国民主运动刚度过了危机， 就向达赖暴力集团退让，就向帝国主义列强示弱，美其名“善意”，这必将是对海内外 反藏独保奥运爱国民主运动的严重出卖，是对藏独暴力集团和帝国主义及其国内外代理 人的鼓励。水能载舟也能覆舟。中国人民爱国主义的“双刃剑”首先是对外的，也是对 内的，五四以降，就是有效监督中国政府，改造中国政府的。中共政府必须谨记。

三一四西藏暴乱事件的真相

南郭点评:历史往往重演，尤其是被轻易掩盖的历史.得手的骗子极易反复行骗，特别是由恐怖暴力支撑的拙劣的政治骗子.而中共专制暴政纯属凭借暴力支 撑的不析不扣的下流骗子匪帮政权。为将法轮功抹黑成[邪教]，以便为疯狂镇压之制造合法性，中共江氏暴政当局公然编导了2001年天安门自焚伪案．而 1989年胡锦涛在西藏亲自主持的血醒镇压藏民和平抗议,则由[武警特務分隊緊急抽調三百人扮成市民和僧侶在五日上午打入八角街和拉薩其他鬧事地點，配合 公安廳、市公安局的便衣完成造勢的任務。燒毀大召寺東北方向的經塔。 砸搶鬧市區的糧店，引發市民哄搶糧食，並對藏甘貿易公司進行煽動性攻擊。鼓勵民眾哄搶商店物資.]虽然该血债不能由胡氏独担,因为当时的赵紫阳,杨尚昆、 乔石及整个中共中央对血腥镇压有指令.今读唐达献先生之[一九八九西藏拉萨事件纪实]一文不由得令吾连想自3月10日藏民和平抗议再度引发的[314]西 藏血案. 真正的罪魁祸首乃中共一党专制的罪恶政治体制.残暴邪恶无能下流无耻乃中共专制流氓暴政的本质特征,中共之残暴源于其是个不受任何有效力量制约的绝对权 力，中共之邪恶源于其反人性悖天道的［共产］邪说的基因，中共之无能是因为其主体是由无知的流氓无产者依暴力加谎言演变成的无知流氓特权资产阶级组成，中 共之下流无耻则是因其与生俱来的流氓本性决定的．因此,中共专制暴政一日不亡,国人包括全体少数民族的的苦难决不可能终止！

全体国人唯有彻底抛弃这个作恶多端无恶不作罪孽滔天的专制流氓暴政,唯有坚决与之彻底决裂,向九年来不屈不挠英勇抗暴的法轮功群雄学习,向勇敢顽强 团结奋斗不甘做奴隶的藏族同胞学习,向三十年来勇于抗争不畏强权不怕牺牲争自由、民主、人权、法治和宪政的中国民主运动的英烈及全体成员学习!我们才能也 必定能够最终获得自由！

安娜为何没有离开中国而病死监狱？赵林如何死在街头？一个远离政治的商人为什么卷入六四并为此走向刑场？请购买精彩历史小说《天安门情人》原价$15，现在$8，免费国际邮寄、美国购买送耳机 博讯需要您的支持

可以邮寄支票订购　

2008年4月24日于温哥华岛
唐 達 獻 [一九八九年西藏拉薩事件紀實] 请参见: 《黃花崗》雜誌第24期

蜡烛与阳光争辉------从温家宝批达赖喇嘛说开去
郭国汀
温家宝2008年3月16日在记者招待会上称: "只要达赖喇嘛承认西藏是中国不可分割领土的一部分，放弃分裂活动，我们就可以就他个人的前途问题同他进行协商和对话。西藏是中国的一个自治区。现在达赖 喇嘛在国外组建临时政府，强调西藏的高度自治，甚至要 求中国的军队从西藏全部撤出，居住在西藏的汉人和其他民族也要全部撤出，这就不难看出，他是真心希望祖国的统一还是破坏祖国的统一。对达赖喇嘛，我们不仅 要看他说些什么，更要看他做些什么"。[1]温先生还一口交定: ""有充分的事实，我们也有大量的证据，来证明这次事件是达赖集团有组织预谋、精心策划和煽动起来的。"[2]温还两次声色俱厉地指责达赖喇嘛"一贯标榜 不追求独立的说法是一派谎言,所谓中国政府灭绝西藏文化,完全是一派谎言".

从温家宝之"达赖个人前途问题"协商对话说,可见中共大管家乃[宗教肓]. 看来受中共无神论毒害,温先生对人类的宗教精神心灵生活相当无知,当然,南郭也无知,但吾之宗教感悟似乎比温先生略胜一筹,因为我早在2004年10月即 指出:"真正的宗教家,必定真善、仁慈、博大、宽恕"[3].近日来大量查阅有关达赖喇嘛的信息,不由得令吾肃然起敬.我可以负责任地宣称:达赖喇嘛实质 上是当代世界最受世人敬重的真正的宗教宗师.他的真诚、善良、仁慈、博大、宽容无与伦比。而温先生之学识智慧与之比较恐怕犹如烛光与阳光争辉，尽管温先生 可能是中共犯罪利益当权集团中较有知识也小有聪明智慧的一位。依吾之见，达赖喇嘛是个视名利如无物的伟大宗师，也是个具有海洋般心胸的伟男子。所谓[个人 前途]根本不会占据他的大脑，事实上，达赖喇嘛是当今之世最具影响力，最具亲和力，最具权威，德高望重的大德高僧。温先生居然以为达赖喇嘛会为了[个人前 途]投靠中共，实在是小湖泊欲与大海洋比谁更博大。

安娜为何没有离开中国而病死监狱？赵林如何死在街头？一个远离政治的商人为什么卷入六四并为此走向刑场？请购买精彩历史小说《天安门情人》原价$15，现在$8，免费国际邮寄、美国购买送耳机 博讯需要您的支持

可以邮寄支票订购　


南郭不知道温先生所言达赖喇嘛的各项主张是否实属，也无从判断温是否断章取义，即便其主张果真如此，也得不出达赖即是假希望统一，真破坏祖国的统一 之结论。充其量仅是平等谈判主体一方提出的条件与要求。若双方均相互尊重，完全可以通过充分的理性讨论，论辩，协商，妥协最终完全可以达成各方均能接受互 惠互利双赢的协议。因此，以谈判对手的某项要求不合已意为由拒绝对话完全不能成立。要求中共军队撤走,依南郭看来完全合理也合法,因为共军并非国军,一党 之党卫军根本没有任何资格强占自治区或任何地区,唯有国军才有资格.国军乃保家卫国属全体国人的军队,而驻藏共军除了在既无内乱又无处侵之和平时期,[英 勇地]对手无寸铁的和平抗议西藏同胞两度血醒镇压,那算什么本事?!因此，必须首先军队国家化，国军才有权派驻西藏自治区，而若军队国家化了，则意味着吾 国已走上自由民主人权法治宪政之坦途，藏汉民族茅盾肯定不复存在，当然也就不存在拒国军于门外之虞了．当然，南郭并不赞同＂居住在西藏的汉人和其他民族也 要全部撤出＂之主张，藏汉各少数民族本是一家人，即都是中国人．解决民族茅盾的关健乃是全体国人法律面前一律平等，政治，经济，文化，社会各方面的权利机 会一律平等．国人不分种族一律平等乃是解决民族茅盾争议的唯一正途．这方面美国和加拿大及所有真正的自由民主宪政国度均做得非常出色．我们完全可以采取拿 来主义，真接采纳这些国家的相关制度．

温先生之"不仅要看他说些什么，更要看他做些什么"更有点霸道蛮横之风。达赖喇嘛说了什么在中国大陆完全被封杀，国人皆无法知道；他到底做了什么， 世人有目共睹。我只知道几乎全世界各国总统、外长、议员等政要；当代世界各大宗教领袖，包括北美原住民精神领袖、南美印加精神领袖、非洲土著精神领袖全部 对达赖喇嘛发自内心敬重有加，足以证明他是个无论道德、学识、智慧、能力皆超凡脱俗的当代活佛。还有不少国际知名大学授予其名誉博士学位，1989年更荣 获诺贝尔和平奖的殊荣。每年皆有知名大学邀请达赖前往讲学或演讲，亦证实他的所作所为得到了全球绝大多数人的认同欣赏；尤值得一提的是，藏传佛教业已成为 当代西方发展最快的一种东方宗教。质言之，全世界的人们皆对达赖喇嘛敬慕、敬重、尊敬有加，再次证明达赖喇嘛所做的事是正当合理的。而做人做到这种境界难 道还有遗憾吗。吾以为，达赖喇嘛之所以流亡50年仍以72高龄不辞辛劳，周游列国,游说天下，完全不是为了他个人的所谓前途，而是为了他的藏族同胞的基本 人权和自由也为了其民族的根本长远利益，为了保存和发杨光大藏民族伟大的文化传统而鞠躬尽粹，死而后已。做为修炼人，荣华富贵市俗名利皆乃身外之物，而佛 教最大的特点之一正是淡薄名利与世无争。因此，修成正果成佛成圣才是达赖的最大的利益所在。

温先生铁口钢牙一口咬定达赖喇嘛[说谎]则很有贼喊捉贼之虞。达赖在全世界人民面前多次反复强调其不主张独立，也不主张分裂，唯主张真正的高度自 治。而温先生指责达赖之说系谎言，那么举证责任应归温先生，但迄今未见温举出任何证据证明达赖在何时何地何事上撒谎；至于愚昧无知的中共犯罪利益当权集团 灭绝藏族文化的批评决非空穴来风,而是铁证如山不如置辩！中共专制暴政不但毁灭少数民族文化，连有五千年文明史的中华文化也被伪马列子孙毁灭性破坏，何况 西藏文化。因为本质上言，早期中共主体是由无知的流氓无产阶级组成，如今的中共当权集团则依赖暴力谎言恐怖手段疯狂侵吞民膏民脂,变成了并不懂文化的真价 值，唯知垃圾党文化,且纯属依靠极度不公不义的[中国特色]垄断政治特权的罪恶专制暴政,而非依靠聪明才智发家的流氓特权资产阶级暴发户。西藏原有寺庙 7000余座，仅文革便被毁灭剩残缺不全的70余座。绝大多数佛经被毁灭。而藏文化最重大的特征即是其佛教文化，由此足证毁灭藏文化的批评决未冤枉中共暴 政。

特别值得一提的是，证据表明全世界皆在抵制鄙视胡锦涛，因为胡二度充当屠夫，血腥弹压藏民要求自由，自治的正义呼声。证据之一乃是谷歌网近期英文胡 氏信息仅剩可怜的8850个，尽管中文信息高达26，5000，000个。亦即谷歌网被迫屈服于中共暴政的同时也在国际层面抵制屠夫胡氏。因为只要是人， 不可能与屠夫为伍！反之达赖喇嘛的英文信息却高达10，900，000个，表明他的国际声誉如日中天，令胡温辈望尘莫及。达赖不但是西藏人民的骄傲，他也 是中国人的骄傲，还是人类的骄傲。是故胡温欲与达赖喇嘛争辉恰如蜡烛与阳光争辉！





达赖闻知西藏3月14日发生的悲剧后即痛心疾首，为遇难者祈祷，并公开制止极少数等不及的年青藏民不要再使用任何暴力抗争而应坚持和平抗暴，否则他 将辞职。今天达赖再次重申：如果藏区的暴力继续失控他将辞去西藏流亡政府的一切职务[4]。The Dalai Lama has threatened to resign as leader of Tibet's exiled government if violence in his homeland spirals out of control.足证达赖是真心诚意的仁慈长者。反之，胡温皆明知其部下大面织的酷刑，特别是对郭飞雄，高智晟的酷刑及对众多法轮功学员的酷刑，但胡温皆 数年如一日，装聋作哑一言不发！谁高谁低谁好谁坏岂非一目了然？！胡温皆明知杨春林，胡佳是真正的中国人的良心和英雄，却皆纵容放任甚至指令重判之！温家 宝还在胡佳案中信口胡言：中国是个[法治]国家，胡案将会依照法律程序依法处理。要么温氏明知故意胡弄国际社会，要么温氏根本不懂何谓法治，两者必具其 一。前者表明温氏身在江湖不得不按中共专制暴政的指挥棒瞎扯；后者则证实温氏亦是法肓。因为在一党专政完全没有新闻自由，没有思想言论表达自由，没有独立 司法的中共匪国，根本没有法治存在的余地。因此，事实充分证明胡温皆不够格任国家政府首脑，而若达赖任国家元首其德其能其才其智皆措措有余，而且肯定是全 体国人的幸事。

藏民与汉民并无你死我活不可调和的大茅盾，维吾尔民与汉民同样不存在我活你死的无法调和的严重茅盾，各少数民族与汉民族一样长期受到中共专制暴政的 欺压盘剥与凌辱，完全没有政治言论，没有新闻出版，结社组党，教育讲学等基本自由和人权，这才是核心问题。亦即，藏民和汉民一样，唯存在与中共专制独裁暴 政之间不可调和的茅盾。唯有全体国人真诚团结起来，求大同存小异，协力同心联手共同对付中国人民的公敌：中共专制暴政，才能最终妥善解决西藏、新疆及所有 民族问题。只要中共专制暴政存在一日，包括全体少数民族在内的全体国人的苦难即不可能终止。因此，彻底唾弃、推翻中共专制暴政应当尽早成为全体国人的共 识，当大多数国人觉醒之日，即是中共专制暴政终结之时。依吾之见，达赖喇嘛是堪当中国民运的政治精神领袖的最佳人选之一，因为他的德高望重，足以令各路英 雄豪杰心服口服，他的大智慧与杰出外交才能亦是当代世界最佳者，因而能为中国民运赢得全世界的支持，不但能使所谓西藏及所有的民族问题销声匿迹，亦能使中 国民运迅速走上胜利的坦途。遗憾的是，达赖喇嘛恐怕并无此意。吾以为，中国民运迄今仍未成功的主因即在于缺乏公认的政治精神领袖及其成熟的符合中国国情的 政治理论纲领。

2008年4月13日第110个《反专制暴政争人权自由维权抗暴绝食日》于加拿大

________________________________________
[1]"温家宝达赖放弃分裂就可同其协商个人前途问题", 中国网, 2007-03-16 .
[2]何宗安, "温家宝称达赖喇嘛是分离主义者", VOA北京,2008年3月18日.
[3]郭国汀, "宗教是统治阶级麻醉人民的鸦片吗？" <博讯>,2004年10月5日
[4] VOA News， Dalai Lama Threatens to Resign if Tibet Violence Worsens， 13 April 2008

博讯郭国汀律师专栏遭中共当局恶意封闭

郭国汀

自2007年12月25日晚开始,中共特务彻底封闭<博讯>新闻网的郭国汀律师专栏;因为近日我连续发表了大量国际人权法律师资料及相关评论,使业内人士极易从中发现中共所谓人权法律的虚伪,也令中共克意欺骗国际社会的意图露无遗,进而令中共当局胆战心惊;还因为我公开批判胡锦涛,以大量事实充分论证定义胡氏实质是"重度政治精神分裂症患者,人权恶棍,法肓,政治白痴,小肚鸡肠的伪君子!" 当然亦可能我的文集点击率连续两年平均每日在四至五千人次,近几日又高达上万人次,中共专制暴政害怕其影响力.其实这仅能证明胡氏专制暴政的无知无能且下三烂,胡氏或有种或有胆或有智的话,应当公开论战!汝只会采取如此下流的封杀术,足证汝下流无耻,根本不配担任国家元首!

无论如何,中共专制暴政的没日已经来临,中国民运的战略反攻阶段已经开始;因此更需要将反对派各派力量组合团结起来建立坚强有力的反中共专制暴政联盟,唯其如此才可能战胜虽已彻底丧失精神、思想、理论、理想、合法性,但仍撑控全部国家暴力机器,仍拥有巨大的物质力量的穷凶极恶,垂死挣扎的中共专制暴政.因此,谁能有效地将中国民运成功地组合联盟,谁就是当然的倒共开国的民运政治精神领袖和首任倒共开国总统.南郭呼吁全体中国民运志士仁人,不分海内外,亦不分先后,抛弃一切私心杂念,一切以实现彻底铲除中共专制暴政的共同目标为转移.民运同道内部必须相互妥协,谅解,让步,有任何内部争议均可留待建立起自由、民主、人权、法治的宪政中国后协商解决。当此大敌当前，且天、地、人皆灭中共专制暴政的天赐良机之前，唯有团结一致共同对付流氓中共，国人才有未来，吾国才有明天！

2007年12月27日

附:攻击博讯有关黑客的IP记录

(博讯北京时间2007年12月27日 首发 - 支持此文作者/记者)

218.215.197.68
65.55.165.47
65.55.208.83 (
65.55.208.87
65.55.209.106
65.55.209.111
65.55.210.45
65.55.210.46
65.55.210.49
65.55.210.54
65.55.212.221
65.55.235.201

unknown (216.177.199.44): 1021 Time(s)
unknown (adsl-75-58-175-155.dsl.irvnca.sbcglobal.net): 324 Time(s)
root (216.177.199.44): 75 Time(s)
unknown (201.219.45.28): 69 Time(s)

12月26日（今天）攻击记录：

sshd:
Authentication Failures:
unknown (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 2415 Time(s)
unknown (210.83.183.191): 983 Time(s)
unknown (84.45.100.15): 944 Time(s)
unknown (gai166.internetdsl.tpnet.pl): 378 Time(s)
unknown (201.7.100.250): 322 Time(s)
unknown (200.55.210.220): 254 Time(s)
unknown (203.151.82.43): 248 Time(s)
unknown (61.145.123.190): 213 Time(s)
unknown (211.72.242.109): 208 Time(s)
root (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 165 Time(s)
unknown (c-24-16-184-231.hsd1.mn.comcast.net): 142 Time(s)
unknown (c-24-16-184-231.hsd1.wa.comcast.net): 142 Time(s)
unknown (221.8.77.245): 80 Time(s)
root (203.151.82.43): 77 Time(s)
root (84.45.100.15): 75 Time(s)
root (61.145.123.190): 72 Time(s)
root (210.83.183.191): 61 Time(s)
root (201.7.100.250): 38 Time(s)

apache (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 20 Time(s)
ftp (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 20 Time(s)
mysql (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 20 Time(s)
mail (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 18 Time(s)
smmsp (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 17 Time(s)
sshd (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 17 Time(s)
adm (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 11 Time(s)
games (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 11 Time(s)
named (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 11 Time(s)
news (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 11 Time(s)
nobody (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 11 Time(s)
postgres (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 11 Time(s)
bin (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)
clamav (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)
daemon (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)
ftp (84.45.100.15): 10 Time(s)
halt (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)
lp (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)
mysql (61.145.123.190): 10 Time(s)
operator (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)
rpm (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)
shutdown (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 10 Time(s)

mysql (84.45.100.15): 9 Time(s)
mysql (c-24-16-184-231.hsd1.wa.comcast.net): 9 Time(s)
nfsnobody (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 9 Time(s)
rpc (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 9 Time(s)
rpcuser (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 9 Time(s)
apache (210.83.183.191): 8 Time(s)
ftp (201.7.100.250): 8 Time(s)
ftp (203.151.82.43): 8 Time(s)
mysql (210.83.183.191): 8 Time(s)
apache (203.151.82.43): 7 Time(s)
mail (210.83.183.191): 7 Time(s)
smmsp (210.83.183.191): 7 Time(s)
sshd (210.83.183.191): 7 Time(s)
apache (201.7.100.250): 6 Time(s)
apache (gai166.internetdsl.tpnet.pl): 6 Time(s)
ftp (61.145.123.190): 6 Time(s)
ftp (c-24-16-184-231.hsd1.mn.comcast.net): 6 Time(s)
mail (84.45.100.15): 6 Time(s)
named (84.45.100.15): 6 Time(s)
postgres (84.45.100.15): 6 Time(s)
smmsp (84.45.100.15): 6 Time(s)
sshd (84.45.100.15): 6 Time(s)
named (210.83.183.191): 5 Time(s)

halt (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
halt (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
lp (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
lp (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
mailnull (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
mailnull (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
news (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
news (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
nfsnobody (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
nfsnobody (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
nobody (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
nobody (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
operator (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
operator (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
postgres (201.7.100.250): 4 Time(s)
rpc (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
rpcuser (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
rpm (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
rpm (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
shutdown (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
shutdown (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
sync (210.83.183.191): 4 Time(s)
sync (84.45.100.15): 4 Time(s)
Failed logins from:
24.16.184.231 (c-24-16-184-231.hsd1.mn.comcast.net): 76 times
61.145.123.190: 94 times
72.167.94.46 (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 449 times
83.12.8.166 (gai166.internetdsl.tpnet.pl): 18 times
84.45.100.15: 194 times
200.55.210.220: 5 times
201.7.100.250 (mail.carvalhohosken.com.br): 59 times
203.151.82.43 (203-151-82-43.inter.net.th): 97 times
210.83.183.191: 178 times
211.72.242.109: 1 time
221.8.77.245: 25 times

Illegal users from:
24.16.184.231 (c-24-16-184-231.hsd1.mn.comcast.net): 357 times
61.145.123.190: 223 times
72.167.94.46 (ip-72-167-94-46.ip.secureserver.net): 2579 times [博讯首发,转载请注明出处]- 支持此文作者/记者(博讯 boxu

The True Situation of Freedom of Political Speech in China--my personal story

by Thomas( Guoting) Guo

4 November 2007 in Copenhagen, Denmark

INTRODUCTION

1.0 I am a human rights lawyer seeking protection in Canada against the CC, which has persecuted me repeat and subjected me to a danger of torture and a risk of cruel and unusual treatment on the basis of my political opinions and my membership in a particular social group, namely, political dissidents.

1.1 I believe that it is precisely for my commitment to the rule of law that I have been persecuted by the CCP and that I continue to be at risk of torture and cruel and unusual treatment or punishment in China.

1.3 Domestic and international colleagues alike have supported my work as a lawyer, a law professor, an arbitrator, a judge and an author of a dozen books and over four hundred articles. International recognition of my legal work includes:

a. Maritime Lawyer of the Year Award 2001-2002 by Legal 500 Asia;

b. Invitation to be a visiting scholar at Columbia University School of Law in 2005-2006;

c. Public appointment on 16 June 2005 as judge to an international tribunal in Washington D.C. to try the Chinese Communist Party (‘CCP’); and,

d. “Search for Justice" Award in Vancouver, B.C. on 17 July 2005.

SUMMARY

2.0 I come from a family of landowners and political dissidents. My grandfather was a landowner. My father was a member of Guo Ming Dang, a traditional opposition party. My mother was a member of San Qin Tuan, also a longstanding opposition party. My family’s status as landowners and dissidents led to unfair treatment under the Communist regime. We were labeled a "black five family," which deprived us of the full enjoyment of our rights and privileges in our employment, education and political life.

2.1 I expressed dissenting political opinions as a university student and then as a professional, which led to my being subjected, on repeated occasions, to persecution and cruel and unusual treatment by the Chinese government. Measures taken against me for my beliefs and my work included:

e. Twenty-one days’ arbitrary detention in a mental hospital, between 19 February and 10 March 1984, at the orders of the CCP Secretary of Jilin University Law School;

f. One-year revocation in 1988 of my licence to practice law, by the Fujian Judicial Bureau;

g. Prohibition on two occasions, in 1987 and 1990, from pursuing an LL.M. at Shanghai Maritime University, by the Fujian Judicial Bureau;

h. Prohibition, on four occasions, in 1987, 1988, 1989 and 1990, from taking the TOEFL (English-as-a second-language) exams;

i. Prohibition between 1987 to 1999 to study in England on a program organized by the Judicial Ministry of China, although I was the only qualified applicant in Fujian province during that time;

j. Revocation of my licence to practice law for a total of six months between 1995 and 1996, by the Fujian Judicial Authority, to be reinstated only if I “self-criticized," which I finally did in February 1996, leading to the reinstatement of my law licence one or two months later;

k. Threat against my life in 1998 by the Fujian Police Bureau;

l. Revocation of my Internet Protocol address on three occasions in 2003 and 2004, by the Chinese Judicial Minister;

m. Threats and warnings by the Shanghai Judicial Bureau, Police Bureau, Secret Police on thirty-one occasions between 2003 and 2005 to give up my human rights cases;

n. Threat against my clients, a newspaper and a big insurance company, to fire me as legal counsel, in October 2003, by the Shanghai Police Bureau;

o. Arbitrary police investigation in November 2003 into my firm's bank account; and,

p. Offer of bribery by the Chief Officer of Shanghai Judicial Bureau in October 2004 to give up my human rights practice in exchange for referrals in maritime cases.

2.2 The most recent measures taken against me by the CCP took place between 6 March and 20 May 2005, when I was unlawfully detained on the basis of a charge of “gather many people to disturb the social order" then a verbal, unofficial criminal charge of conspiracy to overthrow the government, unlawfully investigated, unlawfully detained and placed under house arrest while on unofficial bail, for acting as legal counsel to six Falun Gong practitioners. Those most recent measures against me include the following:

q. Unlawful seizure of my office computer and documents, at 9 a.m. on 23 February 2005, by the Shanghai Judicial Bureau;

r. One-year revocation of my licence to practice law on 4 March 2005, by the Shanghai Judicial Bureau;

s. Unofficial, verbal criminal charge of conspiracy to overturn the government on 6 March 2005, by a police officer;

t. Unlawful criminal investigation without any written charge ever being laid, beginning at 8 a.m. on 6 March 2005 with forced entry into my home, search of my house and that of members of my family, and seizure of my computer, all my human rights files, other documents and my personal journal;

u. Unlawful interrogation based on an unofficial, verbal charge of conspiracy to overthrow the Government at the police station for six hours on 6 March 2005;

v. Unlawful seizure of my cell phone and unlawful disconnection of my home telephone line between 6 March and 26 March 2005;

w. Verbal threat by police enforcement officers on 26 March 2005 that if I informed anyone of the circumstances of my arrest and detention, my cell phone and home telephone line would be seized and disconnected again;

x. Unlawful detention under house arrest while on unofficial bail for unofficial charges of conspiracy to overturn the government, between 6 March 2005 and 20 May 2005 (24-hour surveillance of the home and of family members by more than 20 enforcement officers between 6 March and 26 March 2005 and 24-hour surveillance of the home and of family members by more than eight enforcement officers between 26 March and 20 May 2005);

y. Interrogation at the police station every day between 6 March and 26 March 2005;

z. Coercion by the CCP on 19 May 2005 to sign a written pledge that included the following prohibitions:

i. Never taking on any human rights cases;

ii. Never contacting anyone involved in any human rights cases;

iii. Never referring counsel to human rights cases;

iv. Never offering legal aid to political clients;

v. Never attending any protests against the CCP;

vi. Never contacting any organizers of Falun Gong practitioners while abroad;

vii. Never contacting the Chinese branch of PEN or any other similar organizations;

viii. Never joining any non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or attending any NGO activities or to accept any NGO sponsorship;

ix. Not speaking at the academic meeting for which I was accorded a visa to Canada;

x. Not contacting any person who is not related to my pursuit of academic research or employment for which I was accorded a visa to the United States;

xi. Never publishing any political materials, especially those critical of the CCP;

xii. Never speaking to any non-Chinese media; and,

xiii. Never speaking about Chinese politics and legal system.

Police officer threatened me on 9 May 2005 that I should never practice law anywhere in China ever again;

Police officer threatened me on 9 May 2005 that I should never teach law as a professor at any university in China ever again;

Police officer threatened me on 9 May 2005 that I should never repeat the circumstances of my arrest on 6 March 2005 and following events;

Police officer threatened me on 9 May 2005 that I would be officially charged with conspiracy to overturn the government if I broke any of the above-noted prohibitions.

In direct opposition to the above-noted prohibition by the CCP:

I am publicly describing the circumstances of my persecution in China;

I publicly denounced the CCP at a human rights conference in Toronto, Ontario on 5 June 2005, during a memorial for the Tiananmen Square Massacre;

I publicly denounced the CCP at a human rights conference in Vancouver, B.C. on 17 July 2005;

I publicly denounced acts of the CCP in over hundred articles published on the Internet between 20 May 2005 and the present;

I accepted an appointment to sit as a judge in July 2005 on an international tribunal in Washington D.C. to try the CCP;

DETAILED CHRONOLOGY

Family background and childhood

3.0 I come from a family of landowners and dissidents. My grandfather was a landowner. My father was a member of Guo Ming Dang (‘GMD’), a traditional opposition party. My mother was a member of San Qin Tuan (‘SQT’), also a longstanding opposition party. My family’s status as landowners and dissidents led to unfair treatment under the Communist regime. We were labeled a "black five family," which deprived us, like other “black five families," of the full enjoyment of our rights and privileges in our employment, education and political experiences.

3.1 Employment was extremely difficult for members of "black five families." My father was never promoted during his forty years of employment with Changting People's Bank, despite his long service and despite his being the only employee with a university degree. This was contrary to normal employment practice. My father was fired from the Changting People’s Bank on the ground that he was a “reactionary," Yi Da Sang Fang.

3.2 In the political context, the CCP repeatedly forced my father to publicly “self-criticize."

3.3 Education was also extremely difficult for members of “black five families." My elementary and secondary school years were marked by my marginalized status as a member of a “black five family." In each school term, students had to fill in forms describing our family background. The teachers taught that because my grandfather was a landlord and because my parents were members of the GMD and SQT, my family was “very bad" and that we would hurt the Chinese people if we could. Teachers and classmates were often unfriendly and treated me badly, trying to shame me. In high school, I was denied membership in the Red Guard and the Communist Youth League, which served to further exclude me from my peer group.

3.4 Higher education was prohibited for members of “black five families." As a general rule, members of “black five families" were forbidden from attending university until after Mao’s death in 1976.

3.5 I graduated high school in 1975 and applied for university after Mao’s death in 1977, when the ban on education for “black five families" was lifted.

3.6 Between high school graduation and university, I was a carpenter for three months. I had been refused membership in the Red Guard and the Communist Youth Leagueand without membership in these groups, one cannot be admitted to university or employed in a factory or any other state-owned enterprise. Many carpenters come from “black five families" because the CCP deprives members of these families of landowners and dissidents the right to education and the right to many kinds of employment. In 1976, I went to countryside as a youth- Intelligence to be a farmer but I was told that I would have to wait until at least 1995 to become a member of "the great workers’ class."

University student years

4.0 I had to take the entrance exams for university four times. During that time, I worked as a middle-school physical education teacher (1978) and a truck-driver (1979).

4.1 I was admitted to Jilin University Law School in 1980, with a major in International Law. Law school changed my life completely.

4.2 As the only university student in my large family, I placed an extremely high value on my studies. I studied quite hard.

4.3 My goal since starting law school in 1980 was to be a law professor. So I had to decide on an area of specialization. I researched public international law in 1981, private international law in 1982, and international environmental law in 1983. I decided that my specialization would be international environmental law because of my dislike for politics, which I believed were made dirty and ugly by the CCP. Environmental law seemed far removed from politics. I never realized that one day I would fall deeply into the well of politics, which would almost destroy me totally.

4.4 In law school, I openly expressed my political opinions. Law school broadened my knowledge, my thinking and my mind. I developed my own ideas about the rule of law, philosophy and jurisprudence. I openly discussed and argued with my classmates my belief that Marxism was out of step with the times, that communism was nonsense that could never work in reality, that Mao's thought was confused and wrong and that Mao was only a third-class thinker and a ninth-class philosopher.

4.5 As a result of this expression of my political beliefs, my best friend Mr. Zhang betrayed me and the CCP Secretary of Jilin University Law School sent me into a mental hospital, where I was detained for 21days, which had the effect of destroying my credibility in my goal to become a law professor.

4.6 After my graduation from law school in 1984 I was sent by the Jilin University Law School to the High Court of Fujian, but soon resent to the People's Representative Permanent Committee of Fujian, then to the Fujian Judicial Bureau.

Legal career

5.0 Despite my political beliefs, my hard work in law was recognized. My legal career advanced, but not without setbacks because of my political beliefs.

5.1 After being detained in the mental hospital for my political beliefs, I had to change my career goal from being a professor to being a practicing lawyer. In August 1984, I become a trainee in Fujian Foreign Economic Law Firm, which began my career as a lawyer. As a lawyer, I again chose my area of specialty in terms of my dislike for CCP politics, and I focused on international trade law, international maritime law and marine insurance law. I published several academic works in that area and soon earned a good reputation as a scholarly and expert lawyer.

5.2 However, in June 1988, I was betrayed by my girlfriend, who handed over to the CCP a personal letter that I had written her, in which I criticized the CCP. As a result, the Fujian Judicial Bureau revoked my license to practice law for one year. For the same reason, the Fujian Judicial Bureau also deprived me on two occasions of my right to pursue an LLM at Shanghai Maritime University, forbade me four times to take the TOEFL exams and deprived me of the right to go to England to study on a program organized by the Judicial Ministry of China, although I was the only qualified applicant during that time in Fujian province.

5.3 After ten years of hard work as a maritime lawyer, I dealt with hundreds of cases, published over three hundred essays and case studies, and nine legal books, which made me a leading maritime lawyer in China. In 1993, I was praised as one of the four best young lawyers in China by a leading lawyer’s magazine.

5.4 In 1995, I was selected as one of six young lawyers to practice in Hong Kong. I practiced at Richard Butlers & Company in Hong Kong for six months. During that time, I represented a Hong Kong trade company against Xiamen International Trade and Trust Company, the biggest foreign trade company in Amoi. It was a big case that had been tried at the Xiamen Middle Court from 1990 to 1994, appealed to Fujian High Court between 1994 and 1996 and eventually have been appealing to the Supreme Court of China in 1996 to present.

5.5 In 1995, I learned from the senior partner of my law firm, Mr. Han Li, that the Judicial Ministry of China, under the pressure of the Minister, had threatened to make me “self-criticize" for my work on the Xiamen case or my law license would be revoked again.

5.6 I was so angry with this threat from the CCP that I went to Singapore to pursue an employment opportunity. However, in the end I chose to pursue my law career in China instead.

5.7 I returned to China in December 1995 to find that my license to practice law had been revoked by the Fujian Judicial Authority and would only be reinstated if I “self-criticized," which I finally did in February 1996, leading to the reinstatement of my law licence one or two months later, for a total of six months’ revocation.

5.8 In January 1996, I opened the Zenith Law Firm in Fuzhou with friends, which soon became a leading law firm in Fujian.

5.9 However, my involvement in a big case between 1997-1998 finally drove me away from Fujian for good. My client was a trade company with a good reputation as an import and export company run in Hong Kong for 29 years. My client had made 19 contracts with 11 Fuzhou trade companies to export textile products to Italy. There were some disputes occurred for payment for about USD $6,000,000.00 between the sellers and the buyer, but the police, under the order of Fuzhou government authorities, arrested and effectively took hostage the sister of the general manager of my client, which forced the Hong Kong company to pay the balance immediately. When my client went to Beijing to try to find a friend to help her release her sister, she was arrested herself, then sentenced to life in prison. My strong defense of this client made the authorities very angry and the Fujian Police Bureau threatened to take away my life in 1998. So I gave up my business in Fuzhou and moved to Shanghai in the end of 1998.

5.10 in January 1999, I left Fujian and joined S.G. & Company law firm in Shanghai as a partner.

5.11 from January 2000 to June 2002, I joined Richard Wang & Company in Shanghai in charge of maritime group.

5.12 in June 2002, I became a founding partner of the Tian-Yee Law Group in Shanghai. That firm lost a great deal in the first year, but the situation turned for the better in its second year and the firm's good reputation grew dramatically.

From maritime lawyer to human rights lawyer

6.0 One of the key turning points in my change of career from maritime lawyer to human rights lawyer was when I began accessing the Internet. I learned how to use the computer and do research work on the Internet only after I opened my own law firm in Shanghai, because I was dedicated to establishing an excellent reputation and spent a lot of time on various Internet sites to set up my own columns. I spent about four hours every day in online discussions about legal and political systems, freedom of thought, freedom of expression and freedom of the press, as well as about various cases. I published hundreds of essays online and soon become a leading Internet columnist.

6.1 a number of the essays about Falun Gong I published online drew particular attention. Those essays criticized CCP's policies regarding the June 4 th Tiananmen Square Massacre and regarding Falun Gong practitioners. These essays received many hits and comments for this reason, the China Judicial Ministry took away my IP address and my Internet ID three times and finally prohibited me from publishing any more essays online.

6.2 From the Internet, l learned that the “cyber-dissidents," Ms. Liu Di, Mr. Yang Zili, Zhang Honghai, Mr. Xuwei, and Jing Haike,Mr. Lo Yongzhong and Mr.Du Daobing, had all been detained or sentenced to prison for their online publications. So I offered to defend these cyber-dissidents.

6.3 In June 2003, I become the defense lawyer for Mr. Zheng Enchong. During the trial and appeal of the case, the Chinese government, on nineteen occasions, threatened me and warned me to give up the case or I would personally suffer, however, I definitely refuse to give up. Then, the Chinese government prohibited me from speaking to the media about the case and threatened my client not to engage me as his legal counsel. The police checked my firm's bank account without reason. Then the government offered to bribe me to give up my human rights practice: they stated that if I stop defending “political criminals" they would send me shipping clients.

6.4 After practicing eighteen years as a maritime lawyer and handling hundreds of cases, publishing ten law books and three hundred legal essays and case studies in maritime law, commented by Legal 500 as the top leading maritime lawyers in China in 2001-2002, appointed as arbitrator of China Maritime Arbitration Committee in 2001, Conciliator of China International Commercial Chamber in 2002, researcher of Shanghai Maritime University in 2001, researcher of China Foreign Economic and Trade University in 2002, visiting professor of Wuhan University in 2003 and arbitrator of China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Committee in 2005, I could have continued to make a great deal of money as a maritime lawyer without any danger.

6.5 Why did I change my mind to become a human rights lawyer, who can make little money and who risks danger and revenge by the CCP at any time? My reason is that I firmly believe that the CCP is the source of all disasters in China since it took the state power by force in 1949. China’s political and legal systems are reactionary and backward, which makes a fair trial and justice impossible. I realized that the human rights situation in China is extremely poor, that there is no rule of law, that the authorities are corrupt and that Chinese people suffer greatly and I learned about many excellent fighters for freedom and democracy who sacrificed their personal and family benefits and gave up material enjoyment. I also learned that the Falun Gong practitioners suffer a great deal just for their beliefs and I wanted to do something to help the Falun Gong. I wanted to defend their fundamental human rights and I wanted to stop the foolish policy of the CCP against the Falun Gong. I wanted to help set up a true rule of law in China. I wanted to do something to push the government to reform the political system as soon as possible. I wanted to fight for fundamental freedoms and human rights of Chinese people. My experience tells me that without reform of political and legal systems, China will have no future and people will suffer even more than before. Although my personal and family or career might suffer a great deal, and despite the fact that as just one person, my ability and energy are very limited, since no one dares to stand up and fight for justice, I will. No matter what the result may be, no matter what loss I will face. So I do it. I have to add that because of my personal experience in which I suffered so much for my opinions, I really do not want the disaster that happened in me to happen again to others. I am so interested in jurisprudence and philosophy and I believe that I am good at human rights law, and I can contribute much more than I could as a maritime lawyer for my beloved country's freedom, democracy, human rights, rule of law and Constitution. I understand that if people cannot or dare not speak the truth or even hear or learn the truth, a country must have no future at all. I also believe that courage, honesty and integrity are the best characters of human beings, so I always do and say what I think is right, just according to my mind. Thus I know what I am doing, what the result might be and what suffering I could face. However dangerous it will be, however difficult it will be, I intentionally choose the path of human rights. I just want to do my duty and mission according to my will. The most important thing is that, from the very beginning as a young lawyer, I made up my mind to be somebody in the future, so my practice principle is: first, never fear death and second, never love money. Of course what I mean by not fearing death is not so exact because life is so valuable, sunshine is so warm, friendship and love are so charming, the forestry grassland and sea are so full of life that how can I not enjoy such lovely life? What I mean is that if I will die, I would like to die for freedom and justice. I said never love money also not exactly, because money is so lovely and useful, without it we can do nothing, how can I not love it? What I mean is just that as a gentleman I would like to make money through my wisdom and hard work, but never sell out my dignity or my soul or my principles and never to cooperate with the evil and corrupt CCP.

6.6 So I defended Mr. Zhang Enchong strongly and excellently. I deeply researched the case and delivered news of the case news around the world. I argued that Mr. Zhang is not a criminal at all, but a hero of our time and great lawyer in China, which many persons believe and agree.

6.7 Then I defended Mr. Huang Junqiu, a young intellectual who wrote and published one hundred and fifty political essays to criticize the CCP and organized an internet party online, which made the CCP scare him great deal and sentence him in prison for 12 years simply because his essays!

6.8 I defended Mr. Yang Tianshui and Mr.Zhang Lin as the top moral gentlemen in current China, although the CCP is afraid of them and forced them into prison repeatedly.

6.9 I defended Mr. Shi Tao and praised him as one of the best and most elegant and high moral young poets and journalists I have ever known.

6.10 I was also the defense lawyer of Ms. Ma Yalian and Ms. Wang Shuizheng and Mr.Zou Dayei, whose houses were evicted by Shanghai authorities.

6.11 all of the above-noted cases make the Chinese authorities targeted me. They just try to find any opportunity to punish and threaten me to stop and shut my mouth, for they are really scared of the truth.

6.12 when I deal with each human right case, I just do intensive research of relevant facts, evidence, law and regulations, I make case studies and draft essays to put it online to reveal the truth openly, for in China there is no rule of law. In China, judges have no independent power, there is no independent media. Therefore, the Internet is one of the only ways that I can seek justice.

6.13 finally, in July 2004, I become defence counsel to six Falun Gong practitioners. By common sense I believe that the CCP's policy against the Falun Gong is foolish and evil, so I decided to try my best to stop such unlawful and evil prosecution. I did intensive research of Falun Gong and learned that the belief is basic to the history of Chinese civilization and culture, that it is a kind of body and soul training method, which is comfortable and good for its practitioners and benefits the health of both their body mind and spirit. Thus I drafted several articles to discuss and defend the Falun Gong.

Circumstances leading to my flight from China

7.1 The third time I lost my license to practice law because of my opinions, I left China.

7.2 In September 2004, I became defence counsel for Falun Gong practitioner Mr. Qi Yanlai, a young intellectual of excellent high morals and persistence, who went on hunger strike lasting 780 days before I become his lawyer. I also become the defense lawyer of another practitioner Mr.Chen Guanghui, who was bit to plant man for two years and finally died in Juanary 2007, I delivered news of the cases on the Internet, which, I believe, is the direct reason that the Chinese authority decided to take revenge against me.

7.3 The CCP deprived me of the right to practice law. On 23 February 2005, at 9 a.m., 12 persons from the Shanghai Judicial Bureau took away my office computer. On 4 March 2005, after the hearing, the Shanghai Judicial Bureau suspended my licence to practice law for one year in the name of breach of Constitutional speech. Ironically, at the same time, police detained five friends of mine for five hours, who had wished to attend the so-called open hearing.

7.4 The CCP deprived me of my freedom by detain me under house arrest and strict surveillance, on bail. At 8 a.m. on 6 March 2005, more than thirty policemen broke into my home, made a forced search of the premises and took away my personal journal, my computer, all my relevant files, as well as many documents. The police detained me in the police station for six hours and then released me on bail. I remained on bail and under house arrest and very strict surveillance until I boarded a Canadian flight on 20 May 2005. Between 6 March 2005 to 26 March 2005, the police seized my cell phone, cut my home telephone line, and maintained a police surveillance of more than 20 policemen to monitor my home and family members 24 hours a day. From 26 March 2005 to 20 May 2005, there were at least eight police officers monitoring my home and my family members wherever they go and whenever they went out of the home. Since early March 2005, my case received a lot of international media attention. Under the pressure of international appeals to release me, the Chinese authorities relaxed surveillance of me and my family, returned my cell phone, reinstated my home telephone, though it was tapped. However, the policemen threatened me that if I said anything about what the police have done to me, they will cut my phone line again.

7.5 The CCP totally destroyed my legal career. Since I lost my freedom and the authority took away my computer and all human right cases for three month which totally destroy my law practice and career, I have to give up my firm without a penny’s compensation, although to set up the firm took me three years and I lost a million RMB without recover yet.

7.6 The CCP forced me to “self-criticize."

7.7 The CCP forced me to sign a written pledge, drafted by the Chinese government authority, which is utterly ridiculous.

7.8 After the events of March 2005, I tried to find a job in my best friend's law firm, Chunag-yan Law Firm, because he invited me to join him as a partner a few weeks before I was placed under house arrest. But when I phoned him to tell him that I would like consider his offer, he acted like he knew nothing about it.

7.9 Then I tried to move to Beijing to join my friend’s firm there, but the police Liu, who are in charge of my case, told me that it is absolutely impossible for me to practice law anywhere in China ever again.

7.10 so I tried to change my career to that of a full time law professor in Beijing University or Qinghua University then Shanghai Jiaotong University, for my ability to be a law professor is much better than a practicing lawyer. However, all universities to which I applied for the position of full-time law professor either politely refused my application or didn’t reply at all.

7.11 only then did I realize that there is no way for me to practice as a lawyer or teach as a law professor in China as long as that country is under the control of the CCP. Therefore, I had no choice but to go abroad to make a living. The authority of China agreed to let me go but forced me to “self-criticize" and to sign their pledge. Thus, on 20 May 2005, I left for Canada. The Chinese authorities seemed to be quite happy and relieved to see me go. They sent secret police to take digital photos and make a very thorough inspection of my luggage. When the airline took up from the ground of my beloved motherland, the tears cover my face and I even do not know whether it is pain or happiness that made me cry, it might just be a mix of both without any reason. But definitely, I knew that a new stage of my life had begun.

CONCLUSION

8.0 In addition to my own experience of measures taken against me by various branches of the Chinese government, the measures taken by the CCP against members of my family and against similarly-situated persons lead me to conclude that in China there are no Freedom of Speech although the constitution law stipulated we have, anyone who dare speak out what his or her true opinion of politics, either in danger or in prison.

8.1 By reason of my well-experienced of repeat persecution by the CCP for my expression of political opinion that I firmly believe that there is no rule of law or human rights in China, for even as a prominent Chinese human rights lawyer could not protect his own fundamental human rights, ordinary people definitely have no such rights at all.

8.3 In my opinion, in a country where human rights lawyers can hardly even protect their own fundamental human rights, how can one expect a decent record of human rights? The purpose of the authorities to suspend my law license is to deprive lawyers of their right and duty to defend human rights cases and threaten others from taking on human right cases. The conclusion arisen from all of the above-noted facts is sadly disappointing. The CCP does not like and hate, of course and scare of human right lawyers and is trying its best to completely destroy their careers. There is no freedom of speech, no freedom of the press and no freedom opinion in China. My personal story tells that in China, one’s business and career as a lawyer will come to an end if you speak your mind and heart. This is the message they are trying to deliver through my case. However, I believe this situation will last no longer, as justice will be done soon in China.

8.4 After me lost my license, there are 12 Chinese human rights lawyers lose their license or put into prison or suspend to practice or force into labour camp simply because they go on defence for Falun Gong or political cases or sensitive cases, which confirmed my conclusion that under the CCP’s dictatorship and totalitarian regime China will go on from bad to worse until the CCP evil regime go into the tomb.

2007 11 4 87 [ ]

Thomas Guo’s speech at the University of Victoria on Oct.10, 2005

Ladies and Gentlemen, good afternoon! It is my honor to have a speech here to introduce my personal experienced in China.

My name is Guo Gutoing and I am a Human Rights lawyer from China. I do not speak much English so just bare with me. I taught myself English for several years, but still cannot speak fluent.

In 1980 I became Jilin university law school student. I studied hard everyday from morning to dawn. Because I came from a "black five" family in China, which has deprived any right including education right away totally, Only after the dictator Mao Zedong died could I be allowed to take the enter examination to go to university, and after taken the fourth times I success pass the exams.

I am a long distance runner. Therefore, I am very strong in body, will and soul. I value the opportunity to study in University, so I study extremely hard that my knowledge and thinking power development quickly and I have my own thought when I become the third year undergraduate student. In February 1984, I openly criticized the CCP and Maxs theory then betrayed by my best friend, and was sent to a mental hospital for 21 days.

In China we were taught that the law is “the will of the ruler class" which is the will of the CCP’s .The Maxs theory is the top truth and Chairman Mao’s thought is the modern Maxs etc. In my opinion that the law should be the will of the God and Nature, as well as the whole society, if the law is only the will of the ruler class then it is equal the will of the robber. Maxs theory is out of time and Mao’s thought full of mistaken. However, only for my free thought and opinion I was sent into a mental hospital by force for 21 days! Which hurt my spirit and health very much, almost destroyed my ability of thinking and my confidence totally.

Just because I am quite confidence with myself and firmly believe that my opinion about Maxs and Mao’s thought is right, I want to prove my thought , so each year, when I was practicing law in Fujian province, HongKong and Shanghai, I read various and many books in order to prove my thought is right. The reading habit last For twenty years.

I practiced International Maritime Law. After practicing for twenty years I became quite prominent in profession, especially in shipping and marine insurance. However I change my mine to be a Human Rights lawyer which earned little and had alot of mental and political pressure.

Actually, I was name the top one Maritime lawyer in China by Legal 500 in 2002. it is the internet changed me.

In 1999 I moved from Fujian to Shanghai because the police threaten and tried to kill me, for I strongly defense a HongKong client which made the Fuzhou City government very anger with me, they through police threaten me repeatedly and I refuse to give in. So I moved to Shanghai in January 1999 and opened up my own law office in June 2002.

All the media in China is controlled by the CCP. Majority of the news are false.I learned that some students wrote some articles criticizing the CCP and were arrested. The Chinese law says ev eryone has Human Rights but really they have no Human Rights! Free speech, free press, free thought, free religion all are on paper not in practice.

I offered defense for Miss Liu Dei, because I learn that famous lawyer Zhang Shizi had been her lawyer, I give up this case. After 1949 there were many political movements. There were 80 million Chinese people lost lives which includes30 million peasants died of hunger. In China majority people do not know the truth. In fact, China is not a human being country but only an animal country, for its people actually have no human rights, only have so call the rights of survive, which any animal also have.

Then Mr Lo Yongzhong were putted in jail for he wrote several articles criticizing the CCP and publishing online, who was a disabled person. I offered him free defense in appeal. However, his sister seems did not trust me, may be she donot believe there is lawyer who willing to bear danger and ask for no money.

In June 2003, Zheng Enchong was arrested for he faxed two articles to China Human Rights news center which located in New York, again I offered to be his defense lawyer, and this was the first human rights case I had handled.

During ten years eviction in Shanghai, More than 200 people committed suicide to show their despair and sorrow when their house were eviction by Shanghai government. Zheng Enchong is a professional lawyer focus on this area, he helped those victims for ten years and thus had his lawyer license stopped registered for two years and finally just for his justice action was arrested and sentenced for three years in prison! He was an expert in eviction law. He had handled more than 500 such cases against the government in Shanghai. After I defended him my Human Rights law practice can not stop for many clients come from other province want me to be their lawyer.

In February 2004, I became the defense lawyer of Mr. Huang jingqiu, who was a young international student organize a party on internet and published hundred essays on internet openly criticize the CCP, when he graduated from a Malaysia University and back China, he was secretly arrested then sentence for twelve years in prison for so called overthrew State Power! Because of my strong defense for him, the CCP threaten me repeatedly. I also as the defense lawyer of several high profile political cases such as Mr. Yang Tianshui, Zhang Lin, Shitao. Because the CCP has controlled the Courts and all media in China, all political cases and sensitive cases absolutely impossible to have fair and justice trial, for judges has no independent trial power at all. All such cases actually are decide by the CCP.

Although the CCP threaten me repeatedly, I decided to defend the high profile political prisoner called," Falun Gong". At first, I publish six essays to defense of FLG on internet, then since July 2004 I accepted the first such case.

My client Mr. Qi Yenlai had a hunger strike last for 780 days, during these period he refuse to eat or drink and was forced feed and almost died for tour times and have to sent to hospital for four months. How can he survived for not eating and drinking anything for more than two years? The Police forced a tube through his nose into his stomach and force fed him that way. This kind of forced fed is a kind of tortue which cause at least one thousand Falun Gong’s practitioners died. The CCP and the authority refuse me to meet him repeatedly for four months, although according to Chinese laws and regulation, defense lawyer have the right to meet their clients within 48 hours after applying. Thus I wrote and published a article on internet on Feb 9, 2005, to deliver the case truth which caused the CCP took away my law license ten days later. At meantime, I also handle another high profiled Falun Gong’s case, my client Mr. Chen Guanghui, was bitted to be a vegetable men for seven months, however, the authority refuse his family’s applying for bail and refuse anyone to meet him in hospital. Thus I sent an application for bail on medicine to the Minister of Judicial ministry of China, which I believed is the another reason the CCP deprived my lawyer license.

The CCP and The government tried their best to stop my human rights law practice, they threaten me to keep my mouth shut, not deliver any truth of case or accepted any oversea news interview or published any such articles on internet. But I firmly refuse, for I thought the free expression is the foundamental human rights and the most powerful and effective measures to defense the interest of clients.

The CCP and government tried to bribe me to stop being a Human Rights lawyer and to go back to Maritime law. They took me to a fancy hotel and bought me several expensive dinners. I still refused to stop Human Rights law.

To my knowledge, Falun Gong is a kind of exercise benefit both for human being’s body and spirit. In 1999 Jiang Zemin foolishly and evilly wanted to destroy it totally, for the CCP hate and afraid of any organization which they thought may threaten their power.

I had six Falun Gong practitioners to defend. They only downloaded articles from the internet and distributed it. Or they say, " Falun Dafa Hao!". In my opinion ,Falun Gong practitioners above action are self-defense only. They believe they are helping and saving people, they want to tell people who are they and what they are going to do as well as what has happen, in a word, just speak out the truth. Free religion also stipulate on constitutional law of China, Falun Gong acturally is a kind of believe and faith, of course they have the right to believe it or not. But the CCP or government has no right to intervene it illegally, not to say to destroy it evilly.

On Feb.23, 2005 the CCP took away my lawyers license and working computer then on May 4, suspend me to practice for one years, two days later more than 50 policemen force into my house and my law office, to search my house and law office illegally and ridiculer. They seized all my files
on Human Rights cases. They took my personal computer. Then they detained me for six hours then put me on house arrested for two and a half months until the last moment when I boarded a air plane of Canada on May 20, 2005.

My personal experience tell me in China there are no such thing as free speech, free religion, free press or free assembly, in a word, no political rights at all, for I as the prominent human rights lawyer has no such fundamental human rights, how can popular has any such human rights?! In my opinion only after the Communist totalitarian regime go into the tomb, then Chinese people can end their animally life and enjoy the true human life again.

Thanks for your concerned Chinese future!

惊心动魄的辩护


郭国汀

安娜为何没有离开中国而病死监狱？赵林如何死在街头？一个远离政治的商人为什么卷入六四并为此走向刑场？请购买精彩历史小说《天安门情人》原价$15，现在$8，免费国际邮寄、美国购买送耳机 博讯需要您的支持

可以邮寄支票订购　
2003/06/24原载中国律师网,2005年3月被中共当局强行删除

此案的辩护可谓惊心动魄.美国最伟大的刑辩律师在其自传中写道:总结我一生之经验得出一条颠扑不破的真理:权力永远比法律大!(可见古今中外情理同 一也!) 在办理此案过程中我先后受到来自各方面的警告威胁,有关部门先后从我众多朋友,案源,甚至.......事实上当事人在找到我之前,先后找了多名当时福建 省著名律师,但均被婉拒;因此1997年大年初一当事人从香港长途挂至我家中问我敢不敢接此案?吾答:只要你对我讲真话,保证不存在公安指控的那些行为, 本律师无所畏惧.事实证明办理此种案件风险极大,付出的代价极大.然而我始终无怨无悔,因为我相信自已尽了一名中国律师应当尽的本份.我始终认为此案是一 起典型的错案冤案.尽管因故我未参加二审(有关部门威胁当事人:如果继续由郭国汀律师任辩护人加重处罚!)但上诉审专家意见书得出了与我提出的抗辩主张完 全一致的结论.此案的结局如此,最重要的原因在于我国的新闻管制在于我国没有新闻自由,没有真正的舆论监督.当地报刊杂志不敢报道自不待言.即便当时以敢 于报道真相著称之世的南方周未,同样无动于衷,不敢越雷池一步.中国的司法环境总体上言有所进步然而离法治发达国家还相差十万八里.只有真正实现言论出版 新闻舆论自由,中国律师才有可能真正发挥其应有的作用.

这是1997 年我在为轰动一时的所谓"涉港亿元合同诈骗案"辩护时的感怀,当年公安先关无辜人员,后找证据的做法,必将被告整死为快的决心,使得有关当局不惜动用上百 名警力忙了一整年,耗资巨大,搞出了个惊天大案.其实真正的目的,似乎是个别权势人物为保自已的乌沙帽,在明知该案被告无罪的情况下,动用国家强制力专政 工具人为地搞出个所谓亿元大案.在办该案过程中,公安,检察以致法院有关人员先后多次警告被告及其亲人:"不要请郭国汀律师任辩护人,否则......" 上诉审时被告迫于巨大压力,只得另请北京律师出庭,请本人退出辩护.(这是我执业20年被当事人辞退的第二案,第一案是行政诉讼法生效后,海关第一起败诉 案.二审时当事人认为我不搞案外活动而将本人辞退,但二审法院却以本人一审时的代理意见改判原告部分胜诉).今天,我为郑恩宠律师辩护,历史惊人地相似! 据郑恩宠律师称他刚开始不知道他爱人已聘请本人为他辩护,有关部门也始终不让他知道真相.故郑律师两次从狱中亲笔写信给他爱人称:"聘请吴律师(其他律师 不要)作我的律师,其他任何律师我肯定不要(04/07/03)!""我聘请吴律师为我唯一辩护人"(31/07/03). 有关机关人员最后再度告诫郑恩宠律师:"不要请郭国汀律师,否则......".此种告诫与6年前发生在福州市的情形惊人地相似.谢谢诸位网友们的关注与 支持,将无同兄要求本人将起诉书上载;尽管这一要求合情合理,尽管本人认为指控郑恩宠律师"向境外非法提供国家秘密罪"的所谓秘密于情于理于法完全不能成 立,尽管我个人始终坚信郑恩宠律师不但无罪而且有大功!郑律师决不是共和国的罪人,而是我们这个灾难深重的祖国最优秀的男儿!一切真相都将在时机成熟时公 布于众.再次感谢所有富有正义感,关心郑恩宠律师,关注中国政治改革前途与命运的海内外广大善良的人们!